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The age at which young children begin to make moral discriminations about harmful actions committed against themselves or others has been the focus of recent research into the moral development of children. Until recently, child psychologists supported pioneer developmentalist Jean. Piaget in his hypothesis that because of their immaturity, children under age seven do not take into account the inten- tions of a person committing accidental or deliberate harm, but rather simply assign punishment for transgressions on the basis of the magnitude of the negative consequences caused. According to Piaget, children under age seven occupy the first stage of moral development, which is characterized by moral absolutism (rules made by authorities must be obeyed) and imminent justice (if rules are broken, punishment will be meted out). Until young children mature, their moral judgments are based entirely on the effect rather than the cause of a transgression. However, in recent research, Keasey found that six- year-old children not only distinguish between accidental and intentional harm, but also judge intentional harm as naughtier, regardless of the amount of damage produced. Both of these findings seem to indicate that children, at an earlier age than Piaget claimed, advance into the second stage of moral development, moral autonomy, in which they accept social rules but view them as more arbitrary than do children in the first stage. Keasey's research raises two key questions for develop- mental psychologists about children under age seven: do they recognize justifications for harmful actions, and do they make distinctions between harmful acts that are preventable and those acts that have unforeseen harmful con- sequences? Studies indicate that justifications excusing harmful actions might include public duty,selfdefense, and provocation. For example, Nesdale and Rule concluded that children were capable of considering whether or not an aggressor's action was justified by public duty: five year olds reacted very differently to "Bonnie wrecks Ann's pretend house" depending on whether Bonnie did it "so somebody won't fall over it" or because Bonnie wanted "to make Ann feel bad." Thus, a child of five begins to under- stand that certain harmful actions, though intentional, can be justified; the constraints of moral absolutism no longer solely guide their judgments. Psychologists have determined that during kindergarten children learn to make subtle distinctions involving harm. Darley observed that among acts involving unintentional harm, six-year-old children just entering kindergarten could not differentiate between foreseeable, and thus preventable, harm and unforeseeable harm for which the perpetrator cannot be blamed. Seven months later, however, Darley found that these same children could make both distinc- tions, thus demonstrating that they had become morally autonomous.
Which of the following best describes the passage as a whole?
A.An outline for future research
B.An expanded definition of commonly misunderstood terms
C.An analysis of a dispute between two theorists
D.A discussion of research findings in an ongoing inquiry
E.A confirmation of an established authority's theory
According to the passage, Darley found that after seven months of kindergarten six year olds acquired which of the following abilities?
A.Differentiating between foreseeable and unforeseeable harm
B.Identifying with the perpetrator of a harmful action
C.Justifying harmful actions that result from provocation
D.Evaluating the magnitude of negative consequences resulting from the breaking of rules
E.Recognizing the difference between moral absolu- tism and moral autonomy
According to the passage, Piaget and Keasey would not have agreed on which of the following points?
A.The kinds of excuses children give for harmful acts they commit
B.The age at which children begin to discriminate between intentional and unintentional harm
C.The intentions children have in perpetrating harm
D.The circumstances under which children punish harmful acts
E.The justifications children recognize for mitigating punishment for harmful acts
According to the passage, Keasey's findings support which of the following conclusions about six-year-old children?
A.They have the ability to make autonomous moral judgments.
B.They regard moral absolutism as a threat to their moral autonomy.
C.They do not understand the concept of public duty.
D.They accept moral judgment made by their peers more easily than do older children.
E.They make arbitrary moral judgments.
It can be inferred form the passage that Piaget would be likely to agree with which of the following statements about the punishment that children under seven assign to wrongdoing?
A.The severity of the assigned punishment is deter- mined by the perceived magnitude of negative consequences more than by any other factor.
B.The punishment is to be administered immediately following the transgression.
C.The children assign punishment less arbitrarily than they do when they reach the age of moral autonomy.
D.The punishment for acts of unintentional harm is less severe than it is for acts involving accidental harm.
E.The more developmentally immature a child, the more severe the punishment that the child will assign.
According to the passage, the research of Nesdale and Rule suggests which of the following about five-year- old children?
A.Their reactions to intentional and accidental harm determine the severity of the punishments they assign.
B.They, as perpetrators of harmful acts, disregard the feelings of the children they harm.
C.They take into account the motivations of actions when judging the behavior of other children
D.They view public duty as a justification for acci- dental, but not intentional, harm.
E.They justify any action that protects them from harm.
