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Derzis, who became an outspoken advocate after getting an abortion in 1975, eventually bought clinics in four Southern states.
在1975年接受堕胎手术后，德尔齐斯成为一名直言不讳的倡导者，最终在南部的四个州购买了诊所。
(In addition to the Pink House, she now owns two more clinics, in Virginia and Georgia.)
除了“粉红之家”，她现在还在弗吉尼亚州和乔治亚州拥有两家诊所。
She has been on the front lines of the battle for decades.
几十年来，她一直站在斗争的前线。
In 1993, an antiabortion activist in Florida killed a doctor whom Derzis had known for years.
1993年，一名反堕胎活动家在佛罗里达州杀害了一名德尔齐斯认识多年的医生。
Five years later, her Birmingham, Ala., clinic was bombed, killing a guard and permanently maiming a nurse.
五年后，她在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰诊所遭到轰炸，一名警卫被炸死，一名护士永久致残。
In 2012, a new Mississippi law nearly forced the Pink House to close, but a federal court blocked it the day it was set to take effect, setting off a legal battle that lasted until 2017.
2012年，密西西比州的一项新法律差点迫使“粉红之家”关闭，但在该法律生效当天，联邦法院予以阻止，引发了一场持续到2017年的法律大战。
So for Derzis, this strange moment—in which her clinic is the plaintiff in a Supreme Court case that could result in overturning Roe—doesn’t feel strange at all.
因此，对于德尔齐斯来说，这个奇怪的时刻——她的诊所是最高法院一起案件的原告，该案件可能导致Roe案被推翻——一点也不觉得奇怪。
It feels inevitable.
感觉这是不可避免的。
From her vantage, the antiabortion movement’s long-term objective was always to capture politics at every level, from local city councils to state legislatures to Congress and the presidency, in order to reshape the court and relitigate Roe.
从她的角度来看，反堕胎运动的长期目标始终是捕捉各个层面的政治，从地方市政委员会到州立法机构，再到国会和总统，以重塑法院，并重新对Roe案件的判决进行上诉。
Under Trump, who campaigned on the promise to appoint judges who would overturn Roe, Republican state legislators turned to passing a raft of laws designed to get the justices to finish the job.
特朗普大选时承诺任命能够推翻Roe案件裁决的法官，在他的领导下，共和党州议员转而通过了一系列旨在让法官完成这项工作的法律。
Marjorie Dannenfelser, president of antiabortion group Susan B. Anthony List, recognized the work that state lawmakers have done in passing antiabortion bills to get the Mississippi case before the Supreme Court.
反堕胎组织苏珊·b·安东尼·李斯特的主席玛乔丽·丹南菲尔瑟承认州议员在通过反堕胎法案以将密西西比州的案件提交给最高法院的过程中所做的努力。
“This is a landmark opportunity” for the antiabortion movement, she said last spring.
去年春天她说，这对反堕胎运动来说，是“一个里程碑式的机会”。
“This has been a campaign they have waged over 45 years,” Derzis says. With Trump, “they got their Supreme Court Justices.” It was game time.
“这是一场他们已经开展了45年的运动，”德尔齐斯说。有了特朗普，“他们就有了自己的最高法院大法官。” 比赛时间到了。
Over nearly 50 years, the Supreme Court has heard more than two dozen cases touching on abortion.
近50年来，最高法院已经审理了20多起涉及堕胎的案件。
(Earlier this month, it considered an enforcement mechanism embedded in the Texas abortion law.)
本月早些时候，最高法院考虑在德克萨斯州的堕胎法中嵌入一个执行机制。
But the Mississippi case that will come before the court on Dec. 1 is different by an order of magnitude.
但将于12月1日提交最高法院审理的密西西比州案件却大不相同。
This one is not “biting around the edges” of abortion access, says Ziegler. It’s “going for the jugular.”
齐格勒说，该案并不是在“啃咬堕胎问题的边缘”。而是在“攻击要害”。
Mississippi has explicitly asked the court to overturn Roe.
密西西比州明确要求法院推翻Roe案的裁决。
It is, of course, impossible to predict how the court will rule.
当然，无法预测法院将如何裁决。
With six conservatives on the bench, a majority could well choose to overturn the nearly 50-year-old precedent.
由于法官席上有6名保守派人士，多数人很可能选择推翻这一近50年的先例。
Such a decision would be audacious, but not unheard of.
这样的决定简直是胆大妄为，但并非闻所未闻。
The court has reversed precedent dozens of times in the nation’s history.
在美国历史上，最高法院已经数十次推翻先例。
If it happens again, the fallout for people seeking abortions would be immediate.
如果这种情况再次发生，寻求堕胎的人将立即受到影响。
Twelve states, including Mississippi, have what are known as “trigger laws” that ban nearly all abortions immediately or shortly following such a court decision.
包括密西西比州在内的12个州都有所谓的“触发法律”，在法院做出这样的裁决后立即或短期内几乎禁止所有的堕胎行为。
Another nine states have already written strict restrictions that they could move quickly to implement.
另外9个州已经制定了严格的限制，可以迅速实施。
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