Others were more oblique. “I don’t see anyone out there at the moment…the man who can beat Trump or the woman who can beat Trump,” white working-class balladeer Bruce Springsteen told The Sunday Times. “You need someone who can speak some of the same language [as Trump]…and the Democrats don’t have an obvious, effective presidential candidate.”
其他人则更为隐晦。“我现在没看到任何人能打败特朗普，不管是男性还是女性，” 白人工人阶级民谣歌手布鲁斯·斯普林斯汀在接受《星期日泰晤士报》采访时表示。“你需要一个能有共同语言的人（比如特朗普……）民主党也没有一个明显有效的候选人。”
When former Vice President Joe Biden’s supporters suggest that he is the only possible contender who can break through Trump’s white wall, they are thinking the same thing. And while Biden hasn’t announced it, his inner circle leaked in January that Biden believed he hadn’t seen “the candidate who can clearly do what has to be done to win.”
前副总统乔·拜登的支持者们表示，他是唯一有可能打破特朗普白墙的候选人，此事他们的想法一致。虽然拜登还没有宣布这一消息，但他的核心圈子在今年1月透露，拜登认为他还没有看到“这位显然能做些什么才能获胜的候选人”。
This assessment, of course, comes as news to the most diverse slate of candidates the party has ever seen. “It’s pretty insulting to white people,” Senator Kamala Harris of California told Vanity Fair. “People seem to have a need to fit others into these discrete, neat compartments of their brains. It undervalues the intelligence of the American people. It’s really a mistake to assume, based on a person’s race or gender, that they only care about certain issues to the exclusion of other issues.”
当然，对于该党有史以来最多样化的候选人名单来说，这一评估结果是一个新闻。“这是对白人的侮辱，”加州参议员卡玛拉·哈里斯在接受《名利场》杂志采访时表示。“人们似乎有一种需要，将他人融入他们大脑中这些分散的、整齐的区域。它低估了美国人民的智慧。基于一个人的种族或性别，认为他们只关心某些问题而不关心其他问题，这是错误的。”
Democrats point out that Obama won two terms in the White House with the help of whites in the industrial Midwest. Then again, 2012 Republican opponent Mitt Romney didn’t run a race-based campaign; both candidates largely argued over the economy. With Trump, race is always front and center, as he appeals to voters’ sense of white identity, grievance and resentment. He aims immigration at poorer whites as a class-based wedge issue too.
民主党人指出，奥巴马在中西部工业地区白人的帮助下赢得了两届白宫任期。然而，2012年共和党对手米特·罗姆尼并没有开展以种族为基础的竞选活动；两位候选人在经济问题上争论不休。对于特朗普来说，种族永远是最重要的，因为他迎合了选民对白人身份、不满和怨恨的感觉。他还将移民问题的矛头对准了较为贫穷的白人，认为这也是一个阶级分化的问题。
“Wealthy politicians and donors push for open borders while living their lives behind walls, and gates, and guards,” Trump said in his State of the Union address. “Meanwhile, working-class Americans are left to pay the price for mass illegal immigration: reduced jobs, lower wages, overburdened schools, hospitals that are so crowded that you can’t get in, increased crime and a depleted social safety net.”
“富有的政治家和捐助者一边推动开放边界，一边在高墙、大门和警卫的保护下生活，”特朗普在其国情咨文中如此表示。“与此同时，工薪阶层的美国人不得不为大规模非法移民付出代价：就业机会减少、工资降低、学校负担过重、医院人满为患、犯罪率上升、社会保障体系日益枯竭。”
That talk resonates with voters like Eric Ash, the Democrat turned Republican pastor of Mount Olive Evangelical Lutheran Church in Beaver Falls, Pennsylvania, which is part of a swing congressional district. Like many of the people in the fading steel towns west of Pittsburgh, he voted for Obama in 2008. Later, he changed his registration and cast a ballot for Trump in 2016—mainly, he says, because of his concerns about legal abortion. That support helped give the real estate mogul the kind of lopsided, double-digit margins that won Pennsylvania for him (Romney won Beaver County in 2012, but by only 6.5 points).
这番话引起了埃里克·阿什等选民的共鸣。阿什曾是民主党人，后来成为宾夕法尼亚州比弗尔斯橄榄山福音路德教会的共和党牧师，宾夕法尼亚是摇摆不定的国会选区。和匹兹堡西部衰落的钢铁城镇的许多人一样，他在2008年把票投给了奥巴马。后来，他改变了自己的登记，并在2016年投票给了特朗普，他说，主要是因为他担心合法堕胎。这种支持帮助这位房地产大亨获得了两位数的优势，为他赢得了宾夕法尼亚州的支持（罗姆尼2012年在比弗县获胜，但仅以6.5个百分点的优势获胜）。
译文由可可原创，仅供学习交流使用，未经许可请勿转载。
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