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By contrast, Stuckey says, Trump doesn’t reach for America’s loftier values in an attempt to unify.
斯塔基说，相比之下，特朗普并不会为了团结求助于美国的崇高价值。
“Trump isn’t interested in those things,” she says, “he speaks almost exclusively to his base.”
“特朗普对那些东西不感兴趣，”她补充说，“他几乎只对自己的选民说话。”
That suits the base just fine.
这点刚好跟他的选民极为契合。
“All these grandiose speeches,” says Kalnins, who counts himself among those who relish that Trump does not sound like a politician.
“所有那些浮夸的演说，”认为自己也是喜欢特朗普说话不像个政客的那群人中的一员的卡尔宁斯说道。
“Even Bush, who wanted to be the aw-shucks guy, it was all in there, a nice half-hour speech saying absolutely nothing.
“即使是想成为那个谦逊之人的布什的演讲也一样，一场半小时的演讲精彩是精彩，到头来却等于什么都没说。
That’s what we’ve gotten away from.
我们就是要摆脱这种做法。
It scares the hell out of some people, but I personally feel that there must have been something there that helped him win,
有些人就觉得吓得要死，但我个人觉得特朗普能赢肯定是原因的，
because we were on the road of the fall of the Roman Empire.”
我们已经走到了罗马帝国的灭亡之路上。”
What’s lost in Trump’s approach is any expectation of higher purpose.
特朗普的这种方式所没有的是对崇高目标的期待。
He makes no apology for lavishing praise on authoritarian leaders that past U.S. Presidents dealt with at arm’s length—
他从不因为大力称赞那些往届美国总统纷纷与其保持一定距离的专制领导人而道歉，
Egypt’s Abdul Fattah al-Sisi (“somebody that’s been very close to me from the first time I met him”),
比如埃及总统阿卜杜勒·法塔赫·塞西(“第一次接触我二人就十分亲近”)，
the Philippines’ Rodrigo Duterte (“great relationship”) and Russia’s “strong leader” Vladimir Putin.
菲律宾总统罗德里戈·杜特尔特(，“伟大的关系”)以及俄罗斯的“强势领导人”弗拉基米尔·普京。
American deference to authoritarian rulers now extends even into the nation’s capital.
美国对独裁统治者的尊重如今已经蔓延至美国首都。
When Turkey’s Erdogan directed his security detail to beat protesters
2017年5月16日，在媒体的众目睽睽之下，
in full view of the press on a Washington, D.C., street on May 16, 2017,
土耳其总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安公然命令保镖殴打抗议者，
there were no consequences.
最终没有承担任何后果。
Federal charges against his bodyguards were dropped in March,
今年3月，就在埃尔多安与特朗普的国务卿会晤的前一天，
a day before Erdogan was scheduled to meet with Trump’s Secretary of State.
有关方面撤销了对其保镖的联邦指控。
译文由可可原创，仅供学习交流使用，未经许可请勿转载。
